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Thinking about Business Regulation

The current financial crisis has been cast as a failure of the left by the right, and failure of the right by the left. Did laissez faire capitalism fail or was it excessive taxation or regulation? Perhaps it was a combination.

I use “left” and “right” here strictly in the context of capitalism, with “right” being those who espouse a maximally laissez-faire position, and left being those who favor government intervention. My own position is moderate in that I am willing to look at all points on that spectrum, but I lean strongly to the right in terms of solutions. I favor the economic solution that most depends on the general will of the participants in the economic system expressed in the way the spend their money, not in the way they vote at the ballot box.

I should note here for honesty’s sake, as well as to irritate those who can be irritated, that I see neither capitalism nor democracy as absolutes in and of themselves. They are both strategies used to accomplish something in particular. This means that I oppose socialism (in the sense of government ownership of the means of production, not in terms of progressive models of taxation), not because I think the idea of government ownership is morally bad in the first place, but rather because I believe socialism works poorly in appropriately distributing economic goods.

Similarly, I see democracy as one tool in helping to prevent tyranny, but I don’t think it is all that effective by itself. I would have no problem with various means of limiting or redistributing voting rights, provided those are evenly and objectively implied. The U. S. electoral college and the senate are both violations of pure one-person-one-vote policy, and I support both. I also don’t have any objection to literacy tests or to property requirements for voting, except that they have rarely been applied with an even hand, and I think human nature suggests they are unlikely to be.

Having thus thrown out a couple of inflammatory ideas not really related to my topic, let me proceed! My assumptions here, which I am not going to support in detail is that fraud prevention and infrastructure building are legitimate functions of government. Further I’m not an ideologue who holds a priori that government can’t do a certain thing. If an activity of government truly benefits its citizens, including not producing unacceptable side-effects, I wll accept it. In practice I generally believe that limiting government action to carefully circumscribed zones is better.

I think there is an important distinction that needs to be made as we think about government regulation or supervision of market activities. Process is important, and the principles that underly our action are also critical. The temptation, to which legislators almost always yield, is to write a law that prescribes results. In presenting such a law to the public, it is the results that are emphasized. You don’t generally see bills titles something like – “A Bill to Hire 10,000 New Regulators and Cause them to Swarm over the Banking System.” No, the title will be more like – “A Bill to Ensure Honesty in Banking” or something similar. (Examples are intentionally very generic.)

In the financial markets, we tend to get regulators looking to see to particular results, such as particular rations of assets to liabilities, certain levels of stability, guarantees of funds for depositors, and so forth. Not all of these goals are bad.

An alternative is to look at regulation from the point of view of the honesty and transparency of the process itself. In other words, rather than making sure that a bank cannot cross a particular line, aim at making certain that the public will know when the line is crossed, and focus enforcement on going after those who misrepresent.

Extreme capitalists may object to the additional regulation, but see no similar problem in, for example, requiring that someone who manufactures toasters is actually delivering toasters. If such a company instead delivers clever plastic models of toasters that do not do any toasting, that is fraud.

Similarly I should be able to walk up to a building with the word “bank” on the sign, and assume that I am dealing with something recognizable as a bank, rather than say a junk security marketing service or something similar. It’s simple to tell whether the toaster company is delivering toasters. It’s much more difficult to determine whether the bank is what I would traditionally regard as a bank.

When deregulation came along, this is an issue that I think was not adequately addressed. Banks were restricted from doing certain activities that were generally viewed as risky. Deregulation permitted such activities. So in effect we changed the definition of “bank” as applied to a business name from one thing to another. This deregulation was viewed as more capitalism. I would suggest that in some cases it was simply an abdication of the very proper role of capitalist government in preventing fraud.

I think there are many regulations that might be explained in either way–as a prescription of results, or as preventing misrepresentation. But I would be much happier if, as we consider how to keep markets more stable, we tried to emphasize providing investors with accurate information (including such infinitesimally small investors as myself) over simply preventing them from taken risks that they intelligently choose.

As a final note just to annoy a few more people if possible, I question the function of the stock market as it is constituted. I have no idea how one would change it, but right now it seems to me to be falsely labeled. It should be called the Stock Casino. I have no objection to legalized gambling, but I’d like gambling to be called gambling, and investing to be called investing. Unfortunately, there is a certain amount of gambling in investing, and there can even be investing in gambling. But could we try to draw a line?

OK, in the near future I will return to subjects on which I have greater expertise. I promise!

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5 Comments

  1. Hi Henry,

    Perhaps this will amuse you, perhaps it will be obvious, but as a democratic socialist, I don’t find myself offended by or wanting to argue any of your major points — they all seem reasonable positions to me. 😉

    Chris.

    1. It’s interesting to work on agreements–generally I find that two people can often come up with solutions they both can support, while the movements with which they identify cannot.

      In my senior year in college I worked as an assistant to a professor who was substantially more liberal than I was. (In college I was still a Republican activist.) We would often debate issues and would find that we could agree on quite a number of things, but we also knew we would be voting for people who were not at all in agreement.

  2. I agree with your approach in principle, but I think that there is one problem that sticks out, that I wouldn’t know how to handle. One of the reasons the banking crisis happened was because some of the mortgage derived instruments were extremely complicated and not easily understood by even experts in the field. How does one draw lines not to be crossed, when you aren’t sure what line you are drawing?

    It seems that it would be difficult to keep people from inventing new instruments that stay ahead of everybody in terms of hiding the risk in poorly understood instruments.

    I would have to disagree a little bit on your characterization of the stock market. Gambling is a negative expectation activity. The casino purposely arranges the odds so that you will lose in the long run. There is no wealth creation, simply a transfer of wealth and no underlying asset on which the value is based. The stock market on the other hand, can be proven to have a positive expectation over the long run, involves the creation of wealth, and has an underlying entity upon which it’s value can be based.

    Playing short term in the stock market is akin to gambling in that it circumvents the value building aspect of stocks and resorts to guessing trends which is not related to prudent investment principles.

    1. Larry-on your first point I’m quite in agreement, but I also don’t know how to resolve it. I suppose one might submit all such things to a panel of experts for “translation” but in my experience, too many consumers wouldn’t bother to check the translation if the document appeared to get them what they want.

      On the stock market, I suffer the due penalty of making quick asides. I should better put it that the stock market has too strong of an element of the casino, and too small an element of sound investing, which tends to make it unstable.

      I also have no solution, because the buying and selling of stocks is, I believe, an essential tool of a functioning capitalist system.

  3. I know this was an aside of yours, but on literacy and property tests for voting, I think there’s a more fundamental problem than the fact that such requirements were never applied equally. The larger problem, in my estimation, is that the conditions which allow one to change one’s educational or property status are in large part determined by the laws that legislatures pass. Having voting restricted to only people who have achieved a certain status all but ensures that in most situations, laws will tend to be passed that favor those who have already achieved that status but which don’t really help those who haven’t achieved that status. If, for example, only people who have achieved a minimum knowledge of governance issues are allowed to vote for that government, then those people who don’t have such knowledge will not as likely have government institutions (i.e., schools) which try to educate them about those issues, b/c those people have no lawmakers who look to them as constituents. A restriction like an age limit, while arbitrary, at least has the benefit of everyone eventually becoming a constituent with full voting rights. But the person born to an undereducated family who through no fault of his own never has the resources to become educated will tend to not have access to governmental services that will help lift him out of his dearth of education; such governmental services aren’t as likely to exist because he’s not able to vote to demand them.

    In other words, one’s access to the means of power and influence in society, and the attainment of education and property are always deeply interrelated and mutually constitutive, but it seems to me that instituting these sorts of requirements basically ignores that causation moves in both directions. In reality, instilling educational and/or property requirements all but guarantees a permanent underclass.

    That being said, we already have something pretty close to a permanent underclass in our country (especially where our schools are mostly funded by property taxes), and I’m not sure how to solve those problems, but I have a hard time seeing how education and/or property requirements for voting could make things better, and they would probably make such disparities worse.

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