Threads from Henry's Web

Category: Politics

  • People Want Congress to Fight Harder

    What’s an independent moderate to do? It seems people are telling their representatives to fight harder for their principles rather than compromise. Which all reminds me of what I’ve said many times: We the people are the real ones responsible for the state of government.

  • Corporations are People

    Mitt Romney in 2007 in Washington, DC at the V...
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    Mitt Romney is taking a good deal of flack for saying that corporations are people, and there’s even a DNC ad on the topic. Now while the hot place will be frozen over before I vote for Mitt Romney, I have to agree with him on this one. Corporations are one way in which people get together in order to do things they can’t do individually.

    Similarly labor unions are a way in which people get together to accomplish things they couldn’t otherwise accomplish. I think it’s debatable just what special privileges we give to particular groups of people, but both are, nonetheless, people. Perhaps if we could recognize that in both cases we might be able to do better legislating for both corporations and unions.

     

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  • Fences: Mending or Rending

    Civil engineering and infrastructure repair in...
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    The following is a sermon I presented at the Unitarian-Universalist Church of Pensacola on September 11,2005 and originally posted here on September 13, 2005. I’m reposting it because when I went to look for it, I found that the original post had somehow been truncated, and also because there is a one word at a time blog carnival today on the word fences.

    It was 4 years ago that we woke to the news of the attacks on the World Trade Center, the Pentagon, and the failed attack on one unknown target. That morning, all of our lives were changed. Those who felt complacent were shaken. Terrorism before that was largely something that happened somewhere else. It happened either to other people, or only to those people courageous, or some of us probably thought stupid enough, to travel to the wrong places. For most Americans, however, it was somebody else’s problem.

    Then the twin towers fell. Terrorism was no longer somebody else’s problem, something we could conveniently dismiss from our minds, assuming those responsible would take care of it. Terrorism and our national response to it became a topic of nearly everyone’s conversation and thinking.

    As a result of that day, many things have happened. Decisions have been taken. Diplomatic (and not so diplomatic) missions have been launched. We’ve launched two foreign wars. We’ve reorganized and combined government departments. We have had changes in our national laws, intended by their authors to increase our security and make us safer.

    To be specific, we did the natural thing. We started to build fences.

    My question to you is this: After all of these activities, are we safer now than we were four years ago?

    I’d like to suggest that you look at New Orleans right now as you try to answer that question. We have experienced four years of reorganization, which were supposed to have resulted in providing us with a new, extraordinarily efficient form of response to disaster. Besides being able to predict and thus prevent many terrorist attacks, we were supposed to be able to contain the results and prevent mass destruction.

    Well, we have had a disaster. It wasn’t a surprise attack by terrorists. It wasn’t an unpredictable natural disaster. In fact, I watched the development of the computer models and the projected paths of Hurricane Katrina as the storm approached, and the forecasts were extraordinarily accurate and clear. We had warning. Insofar as one can have time when a hurricane is approaching, we had time.

    But if the results appear to anyone to be exceptionally efficient, if those results are what one would expect after a crash program of reorganization, training, and planning, then I would guess that person has exceptionally low standards.

    The results don’t live up to the expectation.

    What is the problem? How can so much energy be expended in a cause with so little in the way of positive results?

    Let me suggest that what we are watching is simply all the reasons why political and social action often fail to achieve their intended results, but we’re seeing it in exceptionally large scale.

    Economist Henry Hazlitt, in his little book “Economics in one Lesson” says that almost all errors in economics result from seeing issues with two narrow a view and over two short a time frame. Now there are some people who would likely claim that Hazlitt himself made a few of those errors, one of which may have been naming a book “Economics in one Lesson.” I think he had a point. But he didn’t go far enough.

    I’d like to add to the principle these words: . . . and assuming that things that make us feel better necessarily solve actual problems.

    Let’s apply it to politics and social action. Most errors or failures in social action result from looking at the situation from too narrow a viewpoint, over too short a time frame, and assuming that what makes us feel good necessarily solves the actual problem.

    See, I’m wordy. It would take me at least two lessons to teach all of economics.

    Near the end of the 1988 movie “A Fish Called Wanda” there is a wonderful scene in which a man, played by Michael Palin, who has been put upon and trodden under through the entire movie finds himself driving a steam-roller towards his now helpless tormenter, a former CIA agent played by Kevin Kline. Kline’s character has his feet stuck in setting cement. “Revenge!” cries Palin’s character as he rolls over his tormenter. Having crushed his tormentor, he finds that his stutter is cured, his self-confidence restored, and in the best tradition of comedy, he lives happily ever after. So does the steam-rollered victim, for that matter, so all’s well. Revenge accomplished, life is sweet.

    But what about real life?

    Does this happen in real life? Well, part of it does. After I accepted the invitation to speak today, and chose the topic, I began to feel that the universe was conspiring to provide me with illustrations. Last time I spoke here, I led with an illustration from the mouth of Pat Robertson. It seems that Pat Robertson only opens his mouth to switch feet. I really didn’t want to use him as an illustration again, but he volunteered, he really did!

     

    Expressing his annoyance with Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez, Pat Robertson suggested the U. S. should assassinate him. Quoting Robertson:

    You know, I don’t know about this doctrine of assassination, but if he thinks we’re trying to assassinate him, I think that we really ought to go ahead and do it. It’s a whole lot cheaper than starting a war.

    As a Christian, my immediate thought was that while perhaps I don’t know about this doctrine of assassination, I do recall something about a commandment somewhere or other, and then there’s Jesus’ comment that if one is even angry with someone, one has already committed murder—murder in one’s own heart.

    With that in mind, consider the response of the so-called Christian right. Well, perhaps you won’t be able to consider it, because in effect there was none. It took days for anything to happen, and then the primary response was to criticize the media for jumping on Robertson for “making a mistake.” In my personal activity online, I exchanged messages in an online forum with a pastor who required several exchanges before he would even acknowledge that it would be morally wrong, and not merely a mistake, to assassinate the freely elected leader of another country.

    And here I thought that was a no-brainer!

    But recall again the statement of Jesus: Murderous anger is the equivalent of murder. I’ve found that many people who most loudly proclaim their intention to follow the teachings of Jesus are least likely to actually want to take those teachings seriously. Let’s see how it worked in this case.

    When finally pushed to an apology, Robertson said:

    “Is it right to call for assassination?” Robertson said. “No, and I apologize for that statement. I spoke in frustration that we should accommodate the man who thinks the U.S. is out to kill him.”

    guess it’s OK to call for an assassination as long as you’re frustrated. Please don’t let anyone suggest that a media-savvy man, trained as a minister, can accidentally call for murder. Sorry Jesus! We’ve decided to reverse your command. We’re not avoiding the murderous anger; we’re using mere frustration as an excuse!

    Now you may be thinking that I’m talking about things that are far away from home. I suspect none of you are in danger of following Pat Robertson. But I want us to notice two things: This “solution” results from thinking in the short term—it suggests we get rid of one man, as though President Hugo Chavez was personally responsible for all the problems of Venezuela, or at least all the problems the United States has with Venezuela. It results from looking at the situation narrowly—there’s this guy who annoys us, so we get rid of him. We can ignore the real nature and breadth of the problem. We don’t have to answer the question of why Latin American countries tend to distrust Americans. Lastly, it solves the problem by satisfying a personal desire for revenge. It would make ole Pat feel better, but it would not really solve anything.

    It would, I believe, be the equivalent of fence building

    I’m actually thankful to Pat Robertson for providing this example. Sure, he’s far out. It’s a terrible thing to propose murder. But all he’s really done is taken some very common policy reactions and carried them out to their logical conclusion, stripped away their disguise, and laid them out boldly for all to see.

    And it is likely that somebody in government has suggested precisely the same thing. Hopefully their plan was rejected outright.

    War almost always operates in precisely the way that Pat Robertson’s statement did. I sometimes teach classes on the biblical book of Revelation. There are people all over who are seeking timelines and detailed predictions about the end of the world. They are pretty much all wrong, and their wrongness has been repeatedly demonstrated, but that doesn’t keep them from trying.

    But they generally miss the point of some of the symbols. For example, there are the four horses of the apocalypse. I recently asked a class I was teaching to compare the four horses to the war in Iraq. Let me cite some key phrases to show you what I mean:

    2And I looked, and there was a white horse, and the one who was sitting on him had a bow, and he was given a crown, and he came for conquering and setting out to conquer.

    3And when he opened the second seal, I head the second living creature saying, “Come!” 4And another horse went out, and this one was red, and authority was given to the one who sat on it to take peace from the earth, so that people would kill one another, and he was given a very large sword.

    5And when he opened the third seal, I heard the third living creature say, “Come!” And I looked, and there was a black horse, and the one who sat on him had a balance in his hand. 6And I heard something that was like a voice in the middle of the four living creatures saying, “A measure of wheat for a denarius and three measures of barley for a denarius, yet do not hurt the oil and the wine.”

    7And when he opened the fourth seal, I heard the voice of the fourth living creature say, “Come!” 8And I saw a pale horse, and the one who sat on him was named “Death” and Hades followed along with him, and authority was given to them over the fourth part of the earth to kill with the sword and with famine and with plague, and by means of the beasts of the earth.

    As the troops entered Iraq there was almost a euphoria amongst the American people. Peace activists watched the start of the war with some discouragement, as President Bush’s popularity topped 80%. The white horse was “conquering and setting out to conquer.” But who could have doubted that the traditionally “military” part of the war would be easy? Surely nobody imagined that the ragged Iraqi military was going to seriously challenge an invasion from the premier army on earth!

    But shortly after we started to see the non-traditional warfare. The second horse takes peace from the earth. People began to die in substantial numbers.

    The third horse impacts the economy. We didn’t see that part here in the United States as much, but the people of Iraq saw considerable hardship as means of distribution were destroyed.

    The fourth horse is named Death, and Hades follows him. The fourth horse watches the count of the dead increase.

    Now I’m not suggesting that the author of Revelation predicted the Iraq war. What I’m suggesting he did was tell us in literary and symbolic language what war is like. One goes into a war on the white horse, glorious, bands playing and flags flying. But before it’s over the horse is pale, we’re surrounded by death, and Hades is following. Perhaps hell is actually a human invention—but unfortunately not merely an invention of the mind, but a result of our actions.

    War is building fences. It’s solving the immediate problem without looking toward the ultimate solution.

    The key here again is that what we intend is not what we get.

    I would suggest that unlike the story in “A Fish Called Wanda” we do not live happily ever after, our problems are not solved, and the momentary emotional high doesn’t last.

    But I think as a nation we have been living the life of Michael Palin’s character.

    It’s the traditional response.

    When threatened by people from the Arab world we put up barriers. Sometimes barriers are necessary. But barriers help stabilize things temporarily. They don’t finally solve the problem.

    After Saddam Hussein fell, who did we think was going to create a stable, lasting government in Iraq?

    Once the barriers have been created, people have been arrested, terrorists have been placed in long-term storage in Guantanamo, and Americans have been identified, cataloged and tracked, we still must ask what is going to make the world better. What actually solves the problem.

    We haven’t made any progress on that!

    What we need to do is fundamentally change the way we think as a nation. Let me challenge you with a story of my goat Carraway.

    When I was about 12 I kept goats. I had four of them, and we surrounded them with an electric fence. I will suggest that if anyone wants to keep goats, they should just invest in a solid, non-electric fence. The goats are either more determined, or in some cases more intelligent than the fence.

    Carraway was more intelligent than the fence.

    Three of my goats would attack the fence head on. They looked at the wires. They tested them. Eventually they would work up their courage and go straight at it. They would protest the shock, but they wouldn’t let it stop them. They looked at the fence in the traditional way, the way I wanted them to look at it.

    The fourth, Carraway, took a completely different approach. She would go all around the fence, looking for places where the ground was lower, and provided more space. She would observe the fence carefully for a long time. Inevitably she would find the weakness, and then she would move her body just so, dipping ears and tail at precisely the correct moment, and she’d be out without so much as a spark from the fence.

    Carraway looked at the spaces. The other goats looked at the wires. She looked at the fence in a different way than I did.

    I’m challenging myself, and you, to be like that goat. Don’t be forced into looking at things from the “expected” direction. The fence maker wants you to look at the boards or the wires. Don’t get caught! Look for the spaces!

    One time there was a picket fence
    with space to gaze from hence to thence.

    An architect who saw this sight
    approached it suddenly one night,

    removed the spaces from the fence,
    and built of them a residence. (Source:  The Picket Fence by Christian Morgenstern)

    I believe we need architects of the spaces, people who take the spaces and build with them.

    This isn’t something new. There have been quite a number of architects of the spaces that I can hold up as examples. I’m going to stick with the traditions with which I’m most familiar, but there are many in other traditions as well. There’s no shortage. We just often have difficulty following them.

    In the 6th century BCE the anonymous prophet scholars generally call “2nd Isaiah” proclaimed in Judaism the notion that God didn’t care just about Israel, but cared about the whole world. He took a space from the fence. The exiles who returned to Judea after the preaching of 2nd Isaiah entered into the most isolationist and exclusive period in Jewish history.

    In the first century CE Jesus took another space when he said, “Love your enemies, bless those who curse you.” Afterward he was crucified, and his followers often have chosen to kill one another over interpretations of his words. Nonetheless many have found inspiration in his words to help them see and use the spaces.

    In the 19th century, Siyyid Ali Muhammad, known as il Bab (the gate), had the idea that God wasn’t finished with the world with the revelation of the Qur’an. He believed that people of many religions could work together, that they had much in common. He was the forerunner who opened the way for Baha’ullah, founder of the Baha’i faith. He was executed, but he opened the way for a faith that still lives on.

    In the 20th century, Gandhi got the idea that one could resist evil without using violence. He spent his life standing against all violence, even when engaged in by his own followers. He was assassinated, and his beloved India was divided, but he has provided an inspiration to many.

    But the architects of the spaces don’t have to be important people, or do earth-shattering things.

    In our living room one day there was a group of young people discussing the film “The Passion of the Christ.” They talked about how they couldn’t understand the opposition to the film. It was just telling the story of a fundamental element of their faith. I’m somewhat disengaged from time to time, and wasn’t involved, but my wife poked me in the side, “You need to say something,” she said.

    So I asked the young folks to think about the picture from the Jewish point of view. I told them about the passion plays in the middle ages that would whip people into a frenzy after which they would go out and kill Jews, take their possessions and destroy their homes.

    Afterward they said, “Wow! That gives us another view. I guess we need to be careful and considerate in how we speak of this!”

    I took a space from the fence, and did some building with it.

    When Americans were in trouble, tiny Sri Lanka gave a donation of $25,000, which they said was just symbolic. But it symbolized something very important. It said, “We’re not a country of victims, waiting for help from you more important Americans. We’re part of a world community in which nations help one another.

    They grabbed one of those spaces and built with it. And there are many more examples.

    In the disaster in New Orleans, I see something positive that might emerge. It’s a space from the fence that I hope we can pull out and build with. People are beginning to realize that we still have a tremendous prejudice against people who are poor. I hope this recognition will help us to change that.

    Let’s take this space from the fence and build with it!

    How can we make it work?

    Well, I continue to challenge you to be like Carraway the goat. No matter what the forces of hate throw at you, no matter how they try to box you in, no matter what they come up with to stop you, refuse to think the way they think. Never be limited by the narrow thinking of your opponents.

    Let’s frustrate the forces of hate by coming at them with love. Instead of shouting “Revenge!” as we roll over them, we can shout “Peace” as we approach, looking for a way to help.

    Instead of building fences, we can find spaces.

     

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  • Jon Stewart on the Debt Deal

    Sometimes one finds more truth in comedy than in the regular medai.

     

    Of course, if you think about it, we, the American people, would thus be our own worst enemy. And regarding the 77% who think our leaders behaved like spoiled brats, how many do you suppose would have behaved like spoiled brats themselves if their representative made a “hard decision” they didn’t like.

  • And so We Have a Debt Deal

    A few weeks ago I saw a political ad supporting the budget proposal by Congressman Ryan. One of the points made in support of his plan in that ad was simply that nobody eligible for Medicare now, or if I remember correctly, becoming eligible in the next ten years, would be impacted by the plan. (I may remember the number of years incorrectly.) My point is not to gang up on the Ryan plan, but rather to point out a basic problem with all our attempts to deal with budget issues: They all leave the actual solutions to the future.

    If it’s a good idea, it’s most likely a good idea now as well as in the future. If I personally support, or would support, someone who would replace Medicare with a subsidy program, I should be willing to apply that solution to myself. But the method used in Washington is to put forward resolutions mapping out a future course over a period of years that may or may not (generally not) be followed by those future congresses. A similar approach was used in much of the health care reform bill. It phases in the unpopular parts over a period of time.

    Recently I read a quote from Joseph Singer in which he suggested that Americans are ambivalent about government. I wouldn’t use that term. I find nothing surprising about it. It’s very human. Yes, it has distinctively American details, but at root it’s very simple. We want to get benefits, but we don’t want to pay for them. We want privacy in our own homes, but we want to make sure that the police can spy on people enough to catch terrorists (lacking, of course, any real idea of how much that might be). We want our social security to be secure, but we don’t want to pay enough to make it so.

    And we have politicians who are willing to pretend. This pretense, in my view, is not limited by party. Each party has elements of the budget that must be protected, while there are other items that just must be cut because we don’t have the money to pay for them. Members of either party are willing to promise economic benefits without requiring their constituents to pay the cost. There are many ways to avoid requiring that the cost be paid. It can be done by borrowing, thus requiring that the constituents’ children pay the cost. It might be that a poorer district gets the money from the federal government, which moves money from a richer district in order to pay. It might even be that the cost is concealed. But the cost exists and must be paid sometime.

    I entered politics by working as a precinct worker in the 1976 Republican primary in Maryland. I was just 18. What attracted me to Ronald Reagan was his $90 billion plan to eliminate the budget deficit. I support Reagan again in 1980. By 1984 I was no longer a registered Republican. I found that Republicans did not really believe in a balanced budget. Supply side economics took over.

    Now there is a point to supply side economics. Lower taxes can increase productivity and thus revenues. But it is not a magical formula that allows you to buy anything you want, and expect lowered taxes to resolve the difference. At this point, I find the Democrats to be the best argument for voting Republican, and the Republicans the best argument for voting Democrat. And I do vote–every time in every race and on every issue.

    So now we come to the current debt deal. When it was announced, I turned to my wife and said, “All that and we only got $1 trillion (Ah for 1976 and a $90 billion plan!).  Remember that further cuts are for the future, no matter what triggers we have in place to force them. In fact, I would suggest the triggers will simply make the political waters muddier when the time comes.

    I view economics practically. I run a small business, and while I haven’t gotten rich, and have had many, many very difficult seasons, I’m still in business. My computer support business has been going since 1997 (though it’s only part time), and my publishing business has been going since 2004. When economic times get tough there are several things I can do.

    • I can borrow money, which means I have to demonstrate just why such borrowing is going to make my business pay in the longer term.
    • I can economize, which may mean either finding ways of doing the same thing at lower cost, or even eliminating some things I do. One thing I can assure you is this: Every expense gets examined for its productive potential in a difficult economy.
    • You can increase revenues, of course, but that means bringing in more business, selling more goods, and that goes back to the first two points.

    I’ve done all of those things during the previous recession, and I’m still here. I’m a practical economist. I hear about these people who understand what’s going on, and I’m sorry, but they don’t sound so much like they understand and their results aren’t that good. Recent experience with the banking industry makes me question either their motivations and goals on the one hand, or their competence on the other. Perhaps it’s both.

    It’s fairly humorous to see the banking industry, regulated largely by its own, about to reduce the credit rating on the government that failed to keep them in line. But that’s another story.

    So what I ask in a plan like this is just what it’s going to accomplish. What’s the end game? Who enforces the rules that are laid down? What happens that brings us out of this mess?

    And the answer to all of those questions is: Nobody knows. We’re making a plan that reduces a $10 trillion or so deficit over the next ten years by, at the most, $2.4 trillion. What’s more, we haven’t asked fully what our priorities are. In business, I might borrow money to launch a new product. When I do so, we assume that a certain period of time after that product launches, it is expected to pay back the result.

    Translated to the government’s activities, that would mean we need to ask what in the current government plan is going to result in new production on which taxes will be paid (at whatever rate), to increase the money going into the treasury and eventually reduce the debt. The answer is that this isn’t really a consideration. This is one of those survival plans. It keeps things going for between a few months and a couple of years, but it doesn’t do anything about how we’re going to get to a better place.

    This is why I oppose across the board cuts and absolute limits such as “no new taxes.” We need to not only reduce spending; we need to make spending more intelligent. “No new taxes” might be fine with me, but when it makes it more difficult enact needed reforms to the tax system, then I think it gets in the way. Such solutions are ways of avoiding making difficult decisions and taking responsibility for those decisions.

    I recognize that the final blame belongs to voters. We are the ones who send politicians to Washington who promise us things they, and we, can’t pay for. We’re the ones who keep sending them back when they fail. As much as I disapprove of many of the social policy goals represented by Tea Party candidates, on one thing I can definitely commend them. As a general rule they are doing what they said they’d do. Another voter habit is being shocked when politicians do what it was obvious they were planning to do. Of course, when they do what they say, we have some cause for surprise.

    So what would I prefer? Considerations of electability aside (mine would be 0%), I would suggest:

    1. The whole debt ceiling thing is a distraction. We should put everything on the budget itself. That allows us to place responsibility at one specific place. A business can’t budget on the basis that they will borrow in order to fund the budget; neither should the government. I know this takes away one more piece of leverage to reduce the deficit, but I believe there is only one possible answer to this problem–responsible budgeting. Anything else is a band-aid.
    2. Everything should be on the table, including such essentials as defense and law enforcement.
    3. Look where a change of spending strategy can accomplish our goals at lower expense. This would include:
      • Defense – increased spending on mobile special forces and intelligence; decreased spending elsewhere; strategy change away from a war on terror that requires occupying foreign countries. A single terrorist can kill hundreds. Occupying other countries won’t stop that.
      • Law enforcement – read “the drug war.” It’s costing us a bundle and it’s accomplishing very little. We need to review our drug strategy from the ground up. In addition, I think we could look at sentencing for non-violent crimes in general. Technology gives us more options.
      • Social programs – some consolidation is in order to reduce the cost of delivering the needed help to the right people. The Earned Income Credit might provide a good basic example.
      • Education – this is one of my favorites, so I must put it on the table. I like a good public education system and regard it as part of infrastructure. But there’s a great deal of waste, I think. Perhaps a reduction of the federal role of shifting money around.
    4. Simplify and streamline the tax code. Make it easier to enforce and more fair. Eliminate loopholes at the same time. We debate a great deal about increasing rates for the rich, but eliminating some of the ways to avoid the rates might be more to the point.

    These are ambitious goals, but I don’t think our problems can be solved without looking at all these options. I may well be wrong on what can be saved through some of these options. I’m suggesting putting them on the table. And yes, entitlement programs such as Medicare and Social Security need to be there as well. I just have fewer ideas about what to do with them.

     

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  • Renaming the Unpopular

    I loved this snippet from an interview with Speaker Boehner. In particular, this line stood out:

    J. BOEHNER: When you say the — when you say the word “compromise”…

    STAHL: Yeah?

    J. BOEHNER: … a lot of Americans look up and go, “Uh-oh, they’re going to sell me out.” And so finding common ground I think makes more sense.

    So if we have to do something, but people don’t like it, let’s just rename it. Now I happen to think compromise can be a good thing, so long as it’s not on an essential principle. But “finding common ground” is rather similar. When you find common ground you have necessarily passed by not-common ground. If you do the things you can get together on and not those you can’t, well, you have compromised.

    But whatever works!

     

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  • On Praying for My Country

    Some time ago I was teaching a Sunday School class and the topic of prayer at public events came up. Now I would have a serious problem offering prayer at a public event. Though I support the idea of separation of church and state, my major objection is not based on the constitutional principle. After all, courts have allowed prayers in congress.

    My opposition is simply that I believe public prayer is prayer offered for a group. If it is just a ritual, or if it cannot reasonably be expected that the group joining in the prayer actually does join, then to me it is empty. I could sit out in my car and pray for a blessing on the activities of government, but I could not stand up in the group and offer a prayer as though God and the governmental meeting were on the same program.

    In my private prayers for the government, I pray largely that God will give wisdom to political leaders. I do not make the assumption that those political leaders and the political system under which I live are somehow more on God’s program than any other.

    I think that prayers at government events are not designed to invoke God’s favor, nor are they designed to seek God’s will. They are designed to give the impression that those who are doing the government’s business are, in fact, blessed, and are somehow blessed. It’s the whitewash on the sepulcher.

    In any case, to get back to the story, my explanation of my own view didn’t get through. One gentleman raised his hand and said, “I think you just don’t have the courage of your convictions.”

    “No,” I told him, “I don’t have the courage of your convictions.”

    In the discussion that followed, it became clear that he simply could not conceive of a reason for not offering a public prayer, other than that I was afraid of offending people in the audience. He (and many in the room) were so certain that this was an appropriate activity that they simply couldn’t see any reason not to. To them, America is God’s country, a Christian nation, and there’s no problem with Christian prayers.

    I was reminded of this when reading this post by Arthur Sido (HT: Dave Black Online via Christian-Archy.com). This is a topic that will shock many, many American Christians. Why not wear a “God Bless America” T-Shirt? It’s not something they’ve ever considered. The conviction that God is on our side runs very deep. Often it erupts in the claim that American policy carries out God’s will, either knowingly or unknowingly. That claim in turn can lead us to give up the church’s mission and ministry to the world.

    If we truly believe that the Gospel is “God’s power for salvation to everyone who believes” then we ought to act that way. But over and over again our solutions for economic problems, crime, moral issues, and even family relations is to get the government to solve it for us. I don’t doubt that the government needs to have its eye on such things, but how much of our effort as Christians needs to be used in that way?

    Would we not change more people and make more of a difference in our world by living and proclaiming (and I believe proclaiming without living is no proclamation at all) the good news accomplish more than all the political activism we can do as a church?

    I don’t know this, but I think most of us simply don’t believe that the Gospel will transform people’s lives. I don’t think we really believe the Gospel will work. I suspect that, throughout Christian history, our resort to the sword of the state results from a lack of faith.

    The separation I’m most concerned about is the separation where the church says, “We cannot compromise the gospel with the state’s structures of power. We need to stay away to maintain the integrity of the gospel.” The theological separation is more important than the constitutional.

     

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  • On Putting God Before Country

    When my wife and I decided to get married we also made another decision: God would be first in our married life. That means that for me, God comes before my wife, and for her God comes before me. Some people hear that as a sort of sacrifice. We have less because we give more to God first. But in practice we both would say that putting God first actually makes our love for one another greater.

    I think this is a characteristic of loving God. In 1 John 4:20 love for one’s brothers and sisters is inextricably linked to love for God. Matthew 25:31-46 explicitly tests love for God by our actions of love towards others. Love for God is intended to bring us closer to one another, not to separate us. Like many things in Christian orthodoxy, 1 + 1 = 1, i.e. 100% devotion to God results in 100% devotion to others, without either detracting from the other.

    Now perhaps you think I’m going to say next that 100% devotion to God will result in 100% devotion to my country, and thus make me the most devoted of patriots. And with the proper perspective, that is partly true. I would say that devotion to God makes me a better patriot.

    But my love for God also limits and guides my patriotism. I think it makes me a better citizen, but to some it may make my devotion questionable, and others may even see me as disloyal. Many Christians over the centuries have been seen as disloyal because they put God first, and because there were things they could not offer their country. My father planted trees in Canada because he refused to bear arms in World War II. Many people saw that as disloyal. Even though I don’t share my father’s view completely, I honor his devotion to God.

    You see, for many patriotism means supporting whatever one’s country chooses to do, and being willing to carry out orders, no matter what those orders are. If they are the policy of one’s country, the patriot carries them out.

    I believe a country, any country, is best served by those who offer their integrity, their best judgment, and their commitment to the morals and ethics they have chosen and accepted. That means that they must, in some cases, say no. They may sometimes be wrong, yes, but they always act with integrity.

    So at the same time as I honor those who have fought for freedom in this country and in others, I want to also honor those who have stood against the tide and chosen to act with integrity, even that action cost them their social standing, their livelihood, their reputations, and even their lives.

    There are many times we, as a nation, would have done much better by listening to them.

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  • Losing the War on Drugs

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    There’s a stereotype of opponents of our current drug laws that suggests such people just want to light up a joint – legally. That’s not very accurate. I personally don’t even use alcohol, and I rarely use over-the-counter, completely non-addictive pain killers. I’m leery about legalization, but I certainly think we need substantial reforms in the direction of education and rehabilitation as opposed to the current criminal penalties, especially for use and for non-violent offenders.

    I’ve been sitting on this article by Jimmy Carter for some time. He comments on the Global Commission on Drug Policy, which itself includes some notable people. These aren’t folks who want to use drugs legally, and thus want to remove inconvenient laws. They are people who recognize the damage inflicted on people by the drug war itself.

    I have not studied this issue enough myself to make specific recommendations. I believe I have followed it enough to realize that we are not making real progress.

    When what we’re already doing isn’t working, it’s time to get serious about finding the alternatives. Aiming at reducing the demand seems a sensible general approach.

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  • Addicted to Arguing?

    Yes, that might be me! Peter Laarman at RD Magazine says many in American protestantism are addicted to arguing, and need to learn that arguments don’t win people over–contact with people and sharing of stories does it. He titles his piece Why Liberal Religious Arguments Fail, but while I’m well aware of many liberal examples, I think there are plenty on the conservative side of he spectrum as well.

    I must temper my support for his position by noting that I recall quite a number of my own positions that I changed due to listening to arguments against the position I held before. People differ from one another on this as well.